Modern Turkey Military Technologies Revelation: it seems like the Israel isn't doing anything

news :Modern Turkey Military Technologies Revelation : it seems like the Israel isn't doing anything

A look upon Turkey’s Future Nuclear Weapons Policy

On 4th September 2019, President Erdoğan announced that it was unacceptable for nuclear-armed states to forbid Ankara from obtaining its own nuclear weapons. With this statement, many questions sparked upon Turkey’s motivations for a potential nuclear weapons programme. Turkey, as an early signatory to the Non-Proliferation Treaty, is obliged to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons and to further the goals of nuclear disarmament. It is, however, allowed to cooperate in the peaceful uses of nuclear energy.

While this statement underlines Erdoğan’s willingness to be more independent on its defence strategy rather than staying under radar and cooperate, Turkey’s domestic policies upon nuclear industry isn’t so clear. With the rising tension upon Iran’s Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action and Israel’s continuous allegations upon unofficial nuclear arms threat; Turkey is inevitably a part of this proliferation question.

In this regard, this paper aims to look upon Turkey’s past nuclear policies that have been taken by governments, as well as a future probability of becoming a proliferation domino after President Erdoğan’s statement.

A historical rebound for Turkey and Nuclear Sharing of NATO

The presence of tactical nuclear weapons in Turkey is an issue related to Turkey’s membership in NATO since 1952. In 1955, Turkey’s will for nuclear energy showed its presence by joining the Atoms for Peace Program. In this perspective, Turkey’s first interaction within a nuclear crisis took place upon Cuban Missile Crisis in 1961, with the presence of American Jupiter Ballistic Missiles located in Çiğli, Izmir. After the decision to retire Jupiter missiles, Turkey integrated into a new nuclear sharing system of NATO alongside with four other countries: Belgium, Germany, the Netherlands and Italy. This system of nuclear sharing, which was constructed during (the) early cold war, was conceived to prevent further independent proliferation among the western allies. Following these events, Turkey ratified the NPT in 1979 and has had a safeguards agreement in force with the IAEA since 1981.

Today, according to different sources, Turkey hosts 60 to 70 missiles in Incirlik Air Base under NATO umbrella and invests on different nuclear power plants as a key aspect for country’s economic boost.

Past Turkish Policies upon Nuclear

Unlike Europe, Turkish politics do not include an environmental policy or approach. In this perspective, Turkish government invests in the field to develop nuclear power generation but not for actual nuclear weapons.

While this lack of clear policy upon nuclear weapons doesn’t say much about Turkish citizens’ perspective, governments had different policies upon years. For example, between 1983 and 1987, the 45th Turkish Government or first civilian government after 1980 Turkish Coup d’État, was active under Turgut Özal’s prime ministry. Özal, was a representative of The Motherland Party of Turkey (ANAP), based on centre-right, neoliberal foundations and encouraging free-market reforms. Under this government, there were plans for establishing a nuclear power generation since 1970, which were interrupted after the event of Chernobyl in 1986. Chernobyl has changed the public opinion and slowed down government’s investment on this issue. Even Kazım Koyuncu (one of the main anatolian rock singers in the country back then and died later on due to cancer) started a resistance movement against the unhealthy effects of nuclear power plants. Upon developments after Chernobyl, administration showed its concern upon decrease on tourism and commerce specifically on tea and nut exports coming from Black Sea region. Later on, Özal, several ministers and General Kenan Evren, who was the main designated person in Military Junta of 1980, made explanations to comfort the situation and intenseness in general.


Conclusion

Even though nuclear arms might be seen as a source of national prestige, Turkey has no intentions to pursue such program in a near future, as it is included in NATO’s burden-sharing principle. Furthermore, in such case, Turkey would have to leave many international treaties that has signed such as NPT and might bow to further sanctions like Iran. However, changing regional context upon Israeli relations, Iran’s failed JCPOA and purchase of S-400 missiles shape President Erdoğan’s statements as well. In this perspective, while Erdoğan’s claims seem mostly unrealistic, it might be a signal for a change in the country’s future.

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